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ExplainerConstitutional LawComparative Data· Updated · 4 min read· in Data & Analysis

The U.S. Constitution Is the Second-Hardest to Amend in the Democratic World

A comparative analysis of 101 democratic constitutions reveals that only the Federated States of Micronesia possesses a more mathematically onerous amendment process than the United States.

By Sofia Matos

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In short

  1. A new Pew Research Center analysis of 101 democratic constitutions ranks the U.S. document as the second-most difficult to amend in the world.
  2. Only the Federated States of Micronesia, a nation of 76,000 people, possesses a more mathematically onerous amendment process.
  3. The U.S. requirement for a two-thirds congressional supermajority and ratification by 38 state legislatures creates extreme structural friction.

To change the foundational rules of a democracy, a proposed amendment must clear a specified mathematical threshold of consensus—a binding constraint designed to separate enduring principles from transient political moods. In the United States, that threshold currently requires two-thirds of both chambers of Congress and three-quarters of state legislatures.

Whether that condition can hold in a highly polarized era is increasingly doubtful, effectively freezing the text in place. According to a new data analysis released on September 14, 2026, by the Pew Research Center, the U.S. Constitution is now mathematically among the most rigid governing documents in the world.[1]

The Pew analysis evaluated 101 democratic constitutions globally to measure the friction built into their amendment processes. The data reveals a stark comparative reality: "Of all 101 democratic constitutions we examined, the U.S. Constitution has the second-most onerous amendment process," the researchers concluded. The only nation with a higher barrier to constitutional change is the Federated States of Micronesia, a former U.S. trust territory in the South Pacific with roughly 76,000 inhabitants.[1]

Micronesia's process illustrates the extreme end of constitutional rigidity. To amend its foundational text, the nation requires two separate two-thirds votes in a 14-member legislature, explicit approval by the president, and the support of three-quarters of voters in at least three of its four states. While the U.S. does not require a national popular referendum or presidential approval, its dual-level legislative requirements place it just behind Micronesia in formal difficulty.[1]

The U.S. possesses the second-most onerous amendment process among 101 democratic constitutions.

The comparative framework relies on a classification scheme originally developed in 1994 by the late political scientist Donald S. Lutz. Published in the American Political Science Review, Lutz's index quantified the difficulty of amendment by scoring the specific hurdles—legislative supermajorities, referendums, and sub-national ratifications—required to alter a text. "Variance in amendment rate is due largely to the interaction of a constitution's length and the difficulty of its amendment process," Lutz wrote in his foundational paper.[1][2]

Where a country's constitution provides multiple routes for an amendment, the Pew researchers scored the easiest available option. They noted that this theoretical baseline represents the "least difficult" path, which may not always be the route most frequently employed in practice. Even using this most forgiving metric, the U.S. system's baseline requirements outpace nearly every other democracy on Earth.[1]

The mechanics of the U.S. process explain its extreme score. An amendment must first secure a two-thirds supermajority in both the House of Representatives and the Senate. If it survives the federal legislature, it must then be ratified by 38 of the 50 state legislatures. This dual-level requirement—demanding overwhelming consensus at both the national and state levels—is shared by the other nations at the top of the difficulty index, including Palau, Switzerland, and Australia.[1]

Donald Lutz's 1994 research demonstrated that amendment rates are largely driven by the interaction of a constitution's length and its procedural hurdles.

At the opposite end of the spectrum, the data shows that many democracies allow constitutional changes with significantly less friction. Countries operating with unicameral, or single-chamber, legislatures often permit constitutional amendments through a process that closely mirrors the passage of ordinary legislation, requiring only a larger parliamentary majority rather than sub-national ratification or public referendums.[1]

Furthermore, five democracies were excluded from the scoring entirely because they rely on "uncodified" constitutions. In these systems, such as the United Kingdom, governance rules are distributed across various statutes, legal precedents, customs, and unwritten norms rather than a single entrenched document. Because there is no single text to amend, the Lutz scoring system cannot mathematically evaluate their rigidity.[1][2]

Any proposed U.S. amendment must first clear a two-thirds supermajority in both the House and the Senate.

The evidence pack highlights a core tension in constitutional design: the interaction between a document's length and its rigidity. Longer constitutions tend to require more frequent updates to manage specific policy details, while shorter, framework-style documents like the U.S. Constitution rely on broad principles. The U.S. text has been in effect for 237 years but has been formally amended just 27 times, reflecting both its brevity and its high barriers to change.[1][2]

While the Lutz index provides a rigorous comparative baseline, the data carries inherent limitations. The scoring measures the formal difficulty of the written rules, not the actual frequency of constitutional change achieved through other means. In systems where the formal amendment process is functionally locked, the burden of constitutional evolution often shifts to the judiciary. The practical consequence of this extreme rigidity is a growing disconnect between public consensus and constitutional law, as popular reforms like term limits remain mathematically improbable to codify.[1][3]

Key terms

Uncodified Constitution
A system of government where foundational rules are distributed across multiple statutes, legal precedents, and customs rather than a single written document.
Supermajority
A requirement for a proposal to gain a specified level of support greater than a simple 51% majority, such as the two-thirds vote required in the U.S. Congress.
Ratification
The formal validation of a proposed constitutional amendment by sub-national governments, such as U.S. state legislatures.
Unicameral Legislature
A national parliament or congress that consists of only one chamber, which often simplifies the process of passing laws and amendments.

Where opinion splits

Comparative Political Scientists

Focus on how the mathematical thresholds of amendment processes interact with constitutional length to predict the rate of change.

Researchers relying on the Lutz scoring system argue that constitutional rigidity is a predictable mathematical function rather than a purely political phenomenon. By analyzing the interaction between a document's length and its amendment hurdles, political scientists can forecast how often a constitution will be altered. They emphasize that the U.S. Constitution's extreme brevity—combined with its dual-level supermajority requirements—creates an environment where formal amendments are statistically improbable, forcing the system to rely on judicial interpretation instead.

Democratic Reformers

Argue that overly onerous amendment rules prevent popular consensus from being codified into foundational law.

Advocates for structural reform point to the disconnect between public opinion and constitutional reality. Polling consistently shows overwhelming majorities of Americans favoring changes like term limits for federal officials or new campaign finance regulations. However, reformers argue that the Article V requirements—specifically the need for 38 state legislatures to ratify any change—effectively grant a small minority of the population veto power over the vast majority, locking the country into 18th-century governance structures.

Constitutional Originalists

Value high barriers to amendment as a necessary stabilizing force that prevents transient political majorities from rewriting foundational rights.

Defenders of the U.S. system's rigidity argue that the Constitution was explicitly designed to frustrate rapid change. From this perspective, the requirement for overwhelming national and state-level consensus ensures that only the most universally accepted principles—such as the abolition of slavery or women's suffrage—can alter the nation's foundational text. Originalists maintain that lowering the threshold would subject core civil liberties and structural checks and balances to the whims of narrow, temporary political majorities.

Comparative Political Scientists 40%Democratic Reformers 35%Constitutional Originalists 25%
Comparative Political Scientists
Focus on how the mathematical thresholds of amendment processes interact with constitutional length to predict the rate of change.
Democratic Reformers
Argue that overly onerous amendment rules prevent popular consensus from being codified into foundational law.
Constitutional Originalists
Value high barriers to amendment as a necessary stabilizing force that prevents transient political majorities from rewriting foundational rights.

Perspectives this story doesn't cover

  • State-level legislators
  • Judicial scholars

Sources

Source coverage

3 outlets

3 viewpoints surfaced

Comparative Political Scientists 40%Democratic Reformers 35%Constitutional Originalists 25%
  1. [1]Pew Research CenterDemocratic Reformers

    The U.S. Constitution is among the hardest in the world to amend

    Read on Pew Research Center →
  2. [2]American Political Science ReviewComparative Political Scientists

    Toward a Theory of Constitutional Amendment

    Read on American Political Science Review →
  3. [3]Factlen Editorial TeamConstitutional Originalists

    Synthesis by Factlen editorial team

    Read on Factlen Editorial Team →
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