Santa Marta Report from 57 Nations Defines Rapid Global Fossil Fuel Transition Path

The global effort to phase out coal, oil, and gas has historically collided with a stubborn diplomatic wall: the requirement for unanimous consensus at United Nations climate summits. Because a single petrostate can veto binding language, international agreements have spent decades focusing on emissions reductions rather than the extraction of the fuels themselves. That paradigm shifted dramatically with the release of the Santa Marta Report at London Climate Action Week. Co-authored by Colombia and the Netherlands, the 176-page document outlines the first comprehensive, multilateral roadmap for a rapid and equitable transition away from fossil fuels, backed by a 'coalition of the willing' comprising 57 nations.[1][2]

The report is the culmination of the First Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels, held in April 2026 in the Colombian port city of Santa Marta. Rather than attempting to force a universal agreement, the summit gathered countries ready to move immediately. The resulting coalition represents a formidable economic bloc: 48 percent of global GDP, 30 percent of the world's population, and 20 percent of global fossil fuel production. By operating outside the formal UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the participating nations were able to speak frankly about the logistical, financial, and political barriers to leaving fossil fuels in the ground.[2][3]

The timing of the report's release underscores the urgency of its mandate. It arrives amidst an unprecedented European heatwave and a Super El Niño that has shattered global temperature records. Simultaneously, the global energy market is experiencing severe volatility triggered by the U.S.-Israel war on Iran and the subsequent closure of the Strait of Hormuz. These twin crises—climate instability and energy insecurity—have exposed the profound vulnerabilities of a global economy tethered to volatile fossil fuel markets. The Santa Marta framework explicitly links these issues, arguing that transitioning to clean energy is now a fundamental requirement for macroeconomic stability.[1]

At the core of the Santa Marta Report are five practical pathways designed to move the world from abstract pledges to concrete implementation. The most significant of these is the mandate for participating nations to develop and strengthen 'national and regional roadmaps.' Unlike vague emissions targets, these roadmaps require governments to detail exactly how they will wind down domestic fossil fuel production and consumption. This granular approach forces countries to confront the specific industrial, labor, and infrastructure challenges of decarbonization, providing a blueprint that other nations can eventually adopt.[1][2]

A major pillar of the transition pathways involves a sweeping overhaul of the international financial architecture. The coalition identified fossil fuel subsidies as one of the most glaring barriers to progress, noting that global funding for fossil fuels still vastly outpaces investments in clean energy. The report calls for the rapid realignment of global fiscal systems to eliminate these subsidies and redirect capital toward green economic transformation. It also highlights the need to address the macroeconomic dependencies of developing nations, ensuring they do not fall into debt traps while attempting to finance their energy transitions.[1]

To ensure these national roadmaps are grounded in rigorous data, the Santa Marta coalition launched the Science Panel on the Global Energy Transition (SPGET). Headquartered at the University of São Paulo, the panel consists of 50 to 100 leading scientists from around the world. Their mandate is to cut through competing economic models and provide agile, bespoke analysis to nations requesting assistance. The SPGET will model transition pathways that strictly align with the Paris Agreement's legally binding threshold of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, offering decision-makers practical, peer-reviewed steps for implementation.[2]

The framework also takes aim at structural legal barriers, most notably the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) system. Under current international trade laws, fossil fuel companies can utilize ISDS mechanisms to sue governments for billions of dollars if new climate or energy policies threaten their corporate profits. The Santa Marta Report recognizes that the fear of crippling litigation has a chilling effect on ambitious climate legislation. By addressing these governance gaps collectively, the coalition aims to limit the political and economic risks that individual countries face when they attempt to regulate the fossil fuel industry alone.[1][3]

Throughout the Santa Marta process, a powerful consensus emerged regarding the need for a new legal architecture. According to the report, 80 percent of the sectors engaged in the dialogues—including Indigenous peoples, civil society, and youth organizations—explicitly called for a binding Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty. Many government representatives echoed this demand during the high-level segments, arguing that existing multilateral forums have failed to generate the operational instruments required to manage a global phase-out. A dedicated treaty would establish strict commitments to end new licensing and coordinate the decline of existing production.[3]

Despite the diplomatic triumph of the report, the coalition faces significant contradictions and domestic hurdles among its founding members. The Netherlands, which co-chairs the Coalition on Phasing Out Fossil Fuel Incentives, has faced intense criticism from its own lawmakers and civil society for failing to eliminate domestic fossil fuel subsidies. Critics argue that while the Dutch government is eager to lead the international diplomatic effort, its reluctance to implement sweeping fiscal reforms at home undermines the credibility of the Santa Marta mandate.[1]

Colombia's leadership position is even more precarious following a seismic shift in its domestic politics. The Santa Marta summit was championed by leftist President Gustavo Petro, who made Colombia the first major oil-and-gas producer to commit to halting all new fossil fuel expansion. However, the recent election of hard-right populist Abelardo de la Espriella threatens to dismantle that legacy. De la Espriella campaigned on promises to rapidly boost new mining projects and expand 'fracking to the max,' raising serious questions about whether Colombia will remain in the 'coalition of the willing' it helped create.[2]

Anticipating the fragility of domestic politics, the architects of the Santa Marta Process designed the initiative to be institutionally resilient. Rather than relying on a single permanent secretariat, the coalition will rotate its leadership and host nations annually. This decentralized structure ensures that the movement can weather political shocks in any individual member state. The next major summit, scheduled for 2027, will be co-hosted by Tuvalu and Ireland in the Pacific, shifting the geographic center of gravity to island nations facing the most immediate existential threats from rising seas.[2]

While the Santa Marta Process operates outside the UN consensus system, it is strategically designed to influence it. During London Climate Action Week, the final report was formally handed over to the Brazilian COP30 Presidency. Brazil has promised to use the coalition's findings to inform a voluntary international 'fossil-fuel roadmap' ahead of the COP31 summit in Turkey. By presenting a fully formed, multi-nation framework, the coalition hopes to bypass the traditional petrostate veto and inject actionable phase-out strategies directly into the heart of the global climate agenda.[1][2]