New NLRB Quorum Poised to Overrule Cemex and Thryv, Signaling Major Shift in Union Organizing Rules
With a restored quorum and a new Republican majority, the National Labor Relations Board is preparing to dismantle key Biden-era precedents that expanded union leverage and employer financial liability.
- Employer & Management Counsel
- Argues that recent NLRB precedents unlawfully bypassed formal rulemaking and imposed draconian penalties on businesses.
- Labor & Worker Advocates
- Maintains that strict penalties and bargaining orders are essential tools to deter illegal union-busting tactics.
- Regulatory Analysts
- Focuses on the procedural mechanics of the NLRB and the shifting balance of power in federal courts.
Perspectives this story doesn't cover
- Frontline Workers
- Small Business Owners
The short answer
- The NLRB has regained a functional quorum with a 2-1 Republican majority.
- The Board is expected to overrule the 2023 Cemex decision, which made bargaining orders a default penalty.
- The 2022 Thryv decision, which expanded employer liability to include consequential damages, is also targeted for reversal.
- Federal appellate courts have already begun striking down both frameworks.
- The NLRB General Counsel has instructed regional directors to stop seeking Thryv-style non-equity remedies.
The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) has officially regained a functional quorum, ending a nearly year-long period of institutional paralysis. With the Senate's recent confirmation of two new Republican board members and a new General Counsel, the agency is now poised to fundamentally reshape the rules governing union organizing and workplace disputes.[3]
For employers and labor organizers alike, the stakes are exceptionally high. The new 2-1 Republican majority signals a sharp pivot away from the union-friendly policies of the previous administration. At the center of this impending shift are two landmark Biden-era precedents—known as Cemex and Thryv—that dramatically expanded union leverage and employer liability.
To understand the magnitude of this shift, one must first look at the mechanics of union recognition. Under the 2023 Cemex decision, the NLRB fundamentally altered how unions qualify as the exclusive bargaining representative for a workforce.[2][3]
Before Cemex, if a union gathered authorization cards from a majority of employees and demanded recognition, an employer could simply refuse, forcing the union to file for a secret-ballot election. If the employer committed an unfair labor practice during the election campaign, the standard remedy was usually a rerun election.[2]
Cemex flipped that script. It created a framework where an employer confronted with a demand for recognition must either voluntarily recognize the union or file its own election petition within two weeks. Crucially, if the employer commits an unfair labor practice that taints the election environment, the NLRB will bypass a rerun election entirely and issue a mandatory bargaining order, forcing the company to recognize the union.[1][2]
Employer advocates argue that Cemex effectively created a default position of forced recognition, incentivizing unions to allege minor infractions to bypass the ballot box. Labor organizers, conversely, maintain that the standard is necessary to deter companies from illegally chilling union support during campaigns.
The second major precedent on the chopping block is the 2022 Thryv decision, which radically expanded the financial penalties for labor law violations. For decades, the NLRB's "make-whole" remedies were largely limited to equitable relief, such as backpay and reinstatement for wrongfully terminated workers.[3]
The second major precedent on the chopping block is the 2022 Thryv decision, which radically expanded the financial penalties for labor law violations.
Thryv introduced a concept akin to consequential damages, requiring employers to compensate workers for all "direct or foreseeable pecuniary harms" resulting from an unfair labor practice. This meant companies could be held liable for an employee's credit card late fees, out-of-pocket medical expenses, or penalties for early retirement withdrawals if they were fired illegally.[1]
The legal foundation for both Cemex and Thryv is already crumbling in the federal courts. In March 2026, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit struck down the Cemex standard in Brown-Forman Corp. v. NLRB. The court ruled that the NLRB exceeded its authority by enacting such a sweeping policy change through a case adjudication rather than formal rulemaking.[2]
Similarly, a growing circuit split has emerged over the Thryv remedies. The Third, Fifth, and Sixth Circuits have all recently rejected the expansion of consequential damages, ruling that the National Labor Relations Act limits the Board's authority to equitable relief. Meanwhile, the Ninth Circuit upheld the Thryv standard, and the Supreme Court declined to intervene in June 2026, leaving the issue unresolved nationally.[3]
Despite the mounting judicial hostility, the NLRB's regional offices have continued to apply these frameworks where they remain legally viable. However, the newly confirmed NLRB General Counsel, Crystal Carey, has already signaled a change in enforcement priorities. Carey recently instructed regional directors to stop seeking Thryv-style non-equity remedies, effectively neutralizing the policy from the prosecutorial side.
The actual overruling of these precedents by the Board itself is expected to be a deliberate process. Under longstanding NLRB tradition, overturning a major precedent requires a three-member majority. Because the current Board is split 2-1, with two vacant seats and Democratic member David Prouty's term lasting until August 2026, the Republican majority has temporarily held off on officially striking down Cemex and Thryv in their adjudications.
Legal analysts anticipate that once a third Republican member is confirmed—either to fill a vacancy or to replace Prouty later this year—the Board will move swiftly to dismantle these frameworks. In the interim, the agency is focusing on clearing a massive backlog of cases that accumulated during its quorum lapse.[3]
For the American workforce, this regulatory pendulum swing underscores the profound impact of administrative appointments on daily labor relations. While robust make-whole relief and strict election protections remain technically available in the short term, the regulatory environment is rapidly transitioning toward a more traditional, business-oriented standard.[3]
Ultimately, the anticipated reversal of Cemex and Thryv will restore the secret-ballot election as the undisputed primary mechanism for unionization and cap employer financial exposure to traditional backpay. As the NLRB regains its footing, both labor and management are bracing for a return to the pre-2022 rules of engagement.[3]
Why it matters
For business owners, HR professionals, and union organizers, the NLRB's shifting makeup dictates the exact rules of engagement for workplace organizing and the financial risks of labor disputes. The anticipated reversal of these key precedents will make it harder for unions to bypass secret-ballot elections and will cap the financial penalties employers face for labor law violations.
Sources
[1]National Labor Relations BoardRegulatory AnalystsSummary of NLRB Decisions and Remedial Frameworks
Read on National Labor Relations Board →
[2]Sheppard MullinEmployer & Management CounselSixth Circuit Rejects NLRB's Cemex Bargaining Order Framework
Read on Sheppard Mullin →
[3]Factlen Editorial TeamRegulatory AnalystsSynthesis by Factlen editorial team
Read on Factlen Editorial Team →
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