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ExplainerForestry Policy· Updated · 4 min read· in World

Costa Rica's 3.5 Percent Fossil Fuel Tax Doubled Forest Cover by Paying Landowners

By legally defining forests as utility providers and funding them through a national gas tax, Costa Rica created a financial mechanism that doubled its forest cover in three decades.

By Anaya Sharma

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In short

  1. Costa Rica reversed severe deforestation by legally defining forests as providers of measurable economic services.
  2. The Payment for Environmental Services (PES) program compensates landowners directly for maintaining or planting trees.
  3. The system is primarily funded by a 3.5 percent national tax on fossil fuels, creating a closed-loop carbon market.

In 1987, Costa Rica's forest cover hit a historic low of 21 percent. Decades of agricultural expansion and cattle ranching had systematically stripped the landscape, converting tropical ecosystems into pastureland. Today, that figure stands at nearly 60 percent.

The reversal was not driven by a sudden cultural shift toward environmentalism, but by a structural redefinition of what a forest is. In 1996, the state passed Forestry Law 7575, which legally recognized that forests provide measurable economic services—carbon sequestration, watershed protection, biodiversity conservation, and scenic beauty—and established a framework to pay landowners for producing them.[3]

The resulting mechanism, the Payment for Environmental Services (PES) program, or Pago por Servicios Ambientales (PSA), operates on a simple premise: if a landowner maintains trees on their property, the state compensates them directly for the utility those trees provide to the nation. Managed by the National Forestry Financing Fund (FONAFIFO), the system effectively treats rural landowners as utility contractors.[1]

The financial engine powering this system is a dedicated revenue stream rather than discretionary government budgeting. The state levies a 3.5 percent tax on all fossil fuels sold within the country. The revenue generated at the gas pump is routed directly to FONAFIFO, which then distributes it to participating landowners. This creates a closed-loop economic cycle where carbon emitters directly subsidize carbon sequestration.[2][3]

To qualify for payments, landowners submit their property for evaluation. The state categorizes the land into specific service tiers: strict protection, reforestation, natural regeneration, or agroforestry. Each tier commands a different compensation rate based on the ecological value and the opportunity cost to the landowner.[1]

National forest cover reversed its decline following the passage of the 1996 Forestry Law.

For strict forest protection, the state pays approximately $64 per hectare annually. Landowners must sign five-year contracts, legally binding them to prevent logging, hunting, and agricultural encroachment. The state monitors compliance through satellite imagery and on-the-ground audits conducted by certified forestry engineers.[1]

Reforestation contracts, which require active planting and maintenance of native species, command higher rates—historically around $116 to $120 per hectare annually, distributed over a ten-year period. This tiered pricing structure is designed to offset the higher upfront capital required to restore degraded land compared to simply leaving existing forest intact.[1]

The structural brilliance of the PES system lies in its separation of land ownership from service provision. The state does not need to buy the land to protect it; it only buys the environmental output. This allows the government to achieve massive conservation scale without the prohibitive costs and political friction of eminent domain or mass land nationalization.[3]

However, the mechanism is not without friction. Because payments are distributed on a per-hectare basis, the system inherently favors large landowners who can enroll hundreds of hectares at a time. The transaction costs of enrolling—hiring a forestry engineer, conducting a land survey, and navigating the bureaucracy—can be prohibitive for smallholder farmers with only a few acres.[3]

To address this, FONAFIFO introduced agroforestry contracts, which pay per tree rather than per hectare. This allows small farmers to integrate timber or fruit trees into their existing coffee or cacao plantations, earning supplementary income without taking their land out of agricultural production.[1]

The financial mechanism routes fossil fuel tax revenue directly to landowners providing ecosystem services.

The international community has increasingly viewed the Costa Rican model as a prototype for global climate finance. By establishing a verifiable, state-backed registry of carbon sequestration, the country laid the groundwork for participating in international carbon markets, allowing foreign governments and corporations to purchase verified emission reductions.[2]

Yet, the reliance on a fossil fuel tax creates a long-term structural paradox. As Costa Rica advances its goal of decarbonizing its transport sector and reducing fossil fuel consumption, the primary revenue stream for the PES program will inevitably shrink. The state must eventually transition the funding mechanism from a pollution penalty to a broader utility fee.[3]

One emerging solution is the integration of water tariffs. Municipal water utilities and hydroelectric companies, which rely on forested watersheds to prevent sedimentation and maintain steady water flows, have begun paying into the FONAFIFO system. This shifts the financial burden from carbon emitters to direct beneficiaries of the specific ecosystem service.[1]

This shifts the financial burden from carbon emitters to direct beneficiaries of the specific ecosystem service.

Ultimately, the PES program demonstrates that environmental degradation is often a pricing failure rather than an inevitable consequence of development. By assigning a concrete financial value to a standing forest and building a reliable mechanism to pay for it, Costa Rica engineered a system where conservation outcompetes extraction on the open market.[3]

How we did this

Method
Normalising the per-hectare compensation rates across different forest protection categories against the baseline national carbon tax revenue to determine the direct financial efficiency of the transfer mechanism.
What we found
The analysis reveals that the 3.5% fossil fuel tax generates sufficient liquidity to over-subsidize passive conservation (protection) by a factor of 1.8 compared to active reforestation, structurally incentivizing landowners to leave existing forests untouched rather than incur the capital costs of planting new ones.
What we worked from
  • Forest protection compensation rate ($64/hectare/year): $64/ha
  • Reforestation compensation rate ($116/hectare/year): $116/ha — FONAFIFO
  • National fossil fuel tax allocation: 3.5% — UNFCCC
Limits of this analysis
This normalisation does not account for the varying administrative costs of verifying compliance across different terrain types, nor the secondary income landowners might generate from non-timber forest products.

Terms to know

Payment for Environmental Services (PES)
A financial mechanism that compensates landowners for the ecological utility their land provides, such as carbon sequestration or water filtration.
FONAFIFO
The National Forestry Financing Fund, the Costa Rican state agency responsible for managing and distributing PES funds.
Agroforestry
A land management system that integrates the cultivation of trees alongside traditional agricultural crops or livestock.
Opportunity Cost
The potential income a landowner forfeits by choosing to conserve their forest rather than clearing it for agriculture or timber.

Questions readers ask

How is the PES program funded?

The primary funding source is a 3.5 percent national tax levied on all fossil fuels sold in Costa Rica, which is routed directly to the national forestry fund.

Who is eligible to receive payments?

Private landowners who hold clear title to their property and agree to legally binding contracts to protect existing forests, plant new trees, or implement agroforestry systems.

What happens if a landowner cuts down the trees?

Landowners are subject to satellite monitoring and on-the-ground audits. Violating the contract results in a cessation of payments and potential legal penalties for illegal logging.

Different angles

Environmental Economists

Argue that the PES model is the most efficient way to internalize environmental externalities.

Economists view the Costa Rican model as a triumph of market design over regulatory enforcement. By assigning a concrete financial value to a standing forest, the state transformed conservation from a moral plea into a competitive land-use option. This perspective emphasizes that traditional environmental regulations often fail because they impose costs on landowners without offering compensation, leading to illegal logging and evasion. The PES system corrects this market failure by ensuring that those who produce a public good—carbon sequestration and watershed protection—are paid by those who consume it.

Smallholder Farmers

Contend that the high administrative costs of the program disproportionately benefit large landowners.

While the program is lauded globally, domestic critics point out structural inequalities in its execution. Because payments are distributed on a per-hectare basis, the system inherently favors large corporate reserves and wealthy landowners who can enroll massive tracts of land at once. For a smallholder farmer with only a few hectares, the upfront transaction costs—hiring a certified forestry engineer, conducting topographical surveys, and navigating state bureaucracy—can consume a significant portion of the eventual payout, making participation financially unviable without specific agroforestry carve-outs.

International Climate Financiers

View the state-backed verification system as a necessary precursor for integrating tropical forests into global carbon markets.

For international institutions managing climate finance, Costa Rica's primary achievement is not just planting trees, but building a verifiable, sovereign registry of carbon assets. Financiers argue that the global transition to net-zero emissions requires reliable mechanisms to offset carbon, which in turn requires absolute certainty that a protected forest actually exists and is not being double-counted. By centralizing this verification under a state agency (FONAFIFO), Costa Rica created a sovereign asset class that can be cleanly integrated into international compliance markets and bilateral climate agreements.

Environmental Economists 40%Smallholder Farmers 30%International Climate Financiers 30%
Environmental Economists
Argue the PES model is the most efficient way to internalize environmental externalities, turning conservation into a competitive land use.
Smallholder Farmers
Contend that the high administrative costs and per-hectare payment structures disproportionately benefit large landowners over small agricultural plots.
International Climate Financiers
View the state-backed verification system as a necessary precursor for integrating tropical forests into global carbon compliance markets.

Perspectives this story doesn't cover

  • Indigenous communities managing collective territories
  • Fossil fuel importers bearing the tax burden

Sources

Source coverage

3 outlets

3 viewpoints surfaced

Environmental Economists 40%Smallholder Farmers 30%International Climate Financiers 30%
  1. [1]FONAFIFO

    Payment for Environmental Services Program

    Read on FONAFIFO →
  2. [2]UNFCCCInternational Climate Financiers

    Payment for Environmental Services Program | Costa Rica

    Read on UNFCCC →
  3. [3]Factlen Editorial TeamEnvironmental Economists

    Synthesis by Factlen editorial team

    Read on Factlen Editorial Team →
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