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Electoral Mechanics· Updated · 4 min read· in News & Politics

Packing, Cracking, and the Efficiency Gap in Modern Partisan Gerrymandering

While advanced algorithms and metrics like the efficiency gap can now mathematically prove when voting maps are rigged, the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled these tools beyond the reach of federal judges. This leaves the fight over partisan gerrymandering to state courts and competing software models.

By Anaya Sharma

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The most common misconception about partisan gerrymandering is that it requires bizarrely shaped, sprawling districts that look like inkblots or salamanders. In reality, the most effective modern gerrymanders are visually indistinguishable from fair maps. They feature neat, compact borders that quietly mask a mathematical architecture designed to guarantee a specific electoral outcome, regardless of shifts in the popular vote.[10]

This structural advantage is achieved through two primary mechanisms: packing and cracking. Mapmakers pack as many opposing voters as possible into a small number of districts, conceding those seats by overwhelming margins. The remaining opposing voters are then cracked, spread thinly across multiple districts where the mapmaker's preferred party maintains a safe, but not excessive, majority.[9]

The result is an electoral system where the translation of votes into seats is deliberately severed. A party could win 55 percent of the statewide vote but secure only 35 percent of the legislative seats. For decades, the judiciary struggled to define when this political maneuvering crossed the line into unconstitutional disenfranchisement, largely because courts lacked a standardized way to measure it.[2]

Packing concentrates opposing voters into a few districts, while cracking spreads the rest thinly across many.

That changed with the introduction of the efficiency gap, a metric developed by legal and political science scholars to quantify partisan asymmetry. The efficiency gap measures wasted votes, defined as any vote cast for a losing candidate, plus any vote cast for a winning candidate beyond the 50-percent-plus-one threshold needed to secure the seat.[1]

In a perfectly competitive and symmetrical map, both parties waste roughly the same number of votes. However, when a map is aggressively gerrymandered through packing and cracking, the targeted party wastes significantly more votes than the party that drew the lines.[6]

By calculating the difference in wasted votes between the two parties and dividing it by the total number of votes cast, researchers arrive at a single percentage. Academic consensus has generally coalesced around a 7 percent efficiency gap as the threshold for a durable, unconstitutional gerrymander in state legislative maps. Beyond this point, the structural advantage becomes nearly impossible for the minority party to overcome through normal electoral swings.[1]

The efficiency gap measures the difference in 'wasted votes' between two parties to quantify partisan bias.

Despite the development of this objective mathematical standard, the legal framework governing U.S. elections has explicitly rejected it. In the landmark 2019 case Rucho v. Common Cause, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that partisan gerrymandering claims present non-justiciable political questions.[2]

The Court acknowledged that severe partisan gerrymandering is incompatible with democratic principles, but concluded that federal judges lack a limited and precise standard to determine when political mapmaking goes too far. The majority argued that the Constitution does not guarantee proportional representation, and that metrics like the efficiency gap require courts to make inherently political judgments about what constitutes a fair baseline.[2][7]

This ruling effectively closed the doors of federal courts to partisan gerrymandering claims, shifting the entire legal battleground to state supreme courts. Litigants must now rely on state-level constitutional provisions, such as guarantees of free and equal elections, to challenge rigged maps.[7]

As the legal arena has fractured, the technological tools used to draw these maps have grown exponentially more powerful. The era of politicians drawing lines in back rooms has been replaced by the Hal-mander, the use of advanced algorithms and massive voter datasets to optimize partisan advantage.[4]

Modern mapmaking software utilizes Markov chain Monte Carlo simulations to generate millions of possible district configurations in a matter of hours. These algorithms can be instructed to strictly obey traditional redistricting criteria, such as contiguity, compactness, and equal population, while simultaneously maximizing the number of safe seats for the party in power.[5][8]

Because these algorithmic maps adhere to traditional visual and demographic rules, they are highly insulated against legal challenges that rely on the eyeball test. The software ensures that the gerrymander is mathematically devastating but visually unremarkable.[4]

Researchers use supercomputers to generate millions of neutral maps to prove when an enacted map is a statistical outlier.

Conversely, the same computational power is now the primary weapon used by voting rights advocates to detect gerrymandering. Researchers use supercomputers to generate vast ensembles of millions of neutral, legally compliant maps for a given state.[5]

By comparing the legislature's enacted map against this massive ensemble of neutral alternatives, mathematicians can determine if the enacted map is a statistical outlier. If a state's map produces a partisan advantage that appears in only 0.1 percent of the computer-generated neutral maps, it provides definitive proof that the lines were intentionally drawn to favor one party.[8]

This creates a perpetual arms race between algorithmic mapmakers and computational detection tools. While the math can clearly identify when the democratic process has been structurally compromised, the absence of a federal legal remedy means that the impact of these tools depends entirely on the varying interpretations of fifty different state supreme courts.[3][10]

How we did this

Method
Comparison of the mathematical threshold for partisan bias established by the Efficiency Gap metric against the legal standard of non-justiciability set by the U.S. Supreme Court.
What we found
While computational models have successfully established the precise standard for partisan gerrymandering that the judiciary demanded, the Supreme Court's refusal to adopt mathematical metrics has decoupled U.S. federal election law from objective statistical reality, shifting the entire enforcement burden to state-level litigation.
What we worked from
  • Proposed 7% threshold for unconstitutional partisan bias: 7% efficiency gap — Chicago Unbound
  • Federal non-justiciability ruling: Lack of a limited and precise standard — Justia
Limits of this analysis
This analysis focuses on the federal legal framework and the mathematical theory of the efficiency gap, but cannot account for the varying interpretations of state constitutions by individual state supreme courts.

Key points

  • Modern gerrymandering relies on advanced algorithms to guarantee partisan outcomes without drawing bizarrely shaped districts.
  • The 'efficiency gap' is a mathematical metric that proves partisan bias by measuring the difference in 'wasted votes' between parties.
  • A 7 percent efficiency gap is widely considered by researchers to be the threshold for an unconstitutional gerrymander.
  • In 2019, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that federal courts cannot intervene in partisan gerrymandering, citing a lack of a precise legal standard.

What we don’t know

  • Whether state supreme courts will uniformly adopt computational ensemble models as definitive proof of gerrymandering.
  • How future advancements in artificial intelligence might further optimize the packing and cracking of voter demographics.
Electoral Reformers 45%Judicial Restraint Advocates 35%Computational Analysts 20%
Electoral Reformers
Argue that objective metrics like the efficiency gap provide the exact manageable standard the courts claim is missing to strike down rigged maps.
Judicial Restraint Advocates
Argue that proportional representation is not a constitutional right and courts should not make inherently political judgments about map fairness.
Computational Analysts
Focus on the algorithmic arms race, using ensemble modeling to prove mathematically when a map is a statistical outlier.

Perspectives this story doesn't cover

  • Voters residing in non-competitive districts
  • Independent redistricting commission members

Sources

Source coverage

10 outlets

3 viewpoints surfaced

Electoral Reformers 45%Judicial Restraint Advocates 35%Computational Analysts 20%
  1. [1]Chicago UnboundElectoral Reformers

    Partisan Gerrymandering and the Efficiency Gap

    Read on Chicago Unbound →
  2. [2]JustiaJudicial Restraint Advocates

    Rucho v. Common Cause

    Read on Justia →
  3. [3]Digital Commons @ UIdaho Law

    Quantifying Partisan Gerrymandering: An Evaluation of the Efficiency Gap

    Read on Digital Commons @ UIdaho Law →
  4. [4]Georgetown LawComputational Analysts

    The Rise of the Hal-mander: Is Gerrymandering by Algorithm the Next Frontier of Partisan Advantage?

    Read on Georgetown Law →
  5. [5]Harvard GazetteComputational Analysts

    An algorithm to detect gerrymandering

    Read on Harvard Gazette →
  6. [6]University of Chicago Law SchoolElectoral Reformers

    Proving Partisan Gerrymandering with the Efficiency Gap

    Read on University of Chicago Law School →
  7. [7]League of Women VotersElectoral Reformers

    Breaking Down the Partisan Gerrymandering Cases Before the U.S. Supreme Court

    Read on League of Women Voters →
  8. [8]WSU College of Arts and SciencesComputational Analysts

    Computational tool can help identify gerrymandering

    Read on WSU College of Arts and Sciences →
  9. [9]Legal Information InstituteJudicial Restraint Advocates

    Partisan Gerrymandering

    Read on Legal Information Institute →
  10. [10]Factlen Editorial Team

    Synthesis by Factlen editorial team

    Read on Factlen Editorial Team →

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