The New Nuclear Arms Race: Predicting the Consequences of a World Without US-Russia Treaties
With the expiration of the New START treaty in February 2026, the United States and Russia are operating without legally binding nuclear limits for the first time since 1972. This explainer breaks down the mechanics of 'uploading' warheads, the shift toward a multipolar nuclear environment, and the pathways to future arms control.
By Factlen Editorial Team
- US Defense Strategists
- Focusing on the need to deter multiple nuclear peers simultaneously.
- Russian Leadership
- Linking strategic arms limits to broader geopolitical and conventional military balances.
- Non-Proliferation Advocates
- Highlighting the risks of miscalculation and the legal obligations of disarmament.
- Multilateral Realists
- Emphasizing the shift to a three-peer nuclear environment involving China.
What's not represented
- · Non-nuclear NATO member states relying on the US nuclear umbrella
- · Global South nations advocating for total nuclear abolition
Why this matters
For the first time in over 50 years, the size of the world's largest nuclear arsenals is constrained only by political will rather than verifiable treaties. Understanding the mechanics of this shift is essential for grasping how global security, defense budgets, and international diplomacy will evolve in the late 2020s.
Key points
- The New START treaty expired in February 2026, ending over 50 years of legally binding limits on US and Russian nuclear forces.
- Without the treaty's verification mechanisms, both nations lose critical transparency into each other's strategic capabilities.
- Both countries possess the ability to 'upload' hundreds of stored warheads onto existing missiles, potentially doubling deployed forces quickly.
- China's expanding nuclear arsenal has complicated efforts to negotiate a new bilateral framework, as the US seeks trilateral limits.
- Informal agreements or voluntary adherence to previous limits may serve as a stopgap measure to prevent an unconstrained arms race.
On February 5, 2026, a quiet but monumental shift occurred in global security: the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) officially expired. For the first time since the signing of the SALT I agreement in 1972, the United States and Russia are operating without any legally binding, verifiable limits on their deployed strategic nuclear forces.[1][6]
The expiration marks the dissolution of a bilateral arms control architecture that successfully guided the world through the latter half of the Cold War and the decades that followed. While the lapse of the treaty did not trigger an immediate, overnight deployment of new weapons, it fundamentally altered the psychological and operational foundations of nuclear deterrence, replacing structured transparency with strategic ambiguity.[4][7]
To understand the stakes of this transition, it is necessary to examine what New START actually did. Signed in 2010, the treaty imposed strict quantitative ceilings on the world's two largest nuclear arsenals. It limited both Washington and Moscow to 1,550 deployed strategic nuclear warheads and 700 deployed strategic delivery vehicles, such as intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), and heavy bombers.[1][6]

Equally important to the numerical caps were the treaty's verification mechanisms. New START mandated regular data exchanges, notifications regarding the movement of strategic assets, and short-notice on-site inspections. These transparency provisions were designed to reduce uncertainty, prevent worst-case assumptions about the adversary's capabilities, and stabilize crisis signaling during periods of geopolitical tension.[3][7]
With the treaty's expiration, those verification mechanisms have vanished. The immediate concern among defense analysts is not necessarily the mass production of new missiles, but a mechanism known as 'uploading.' Both the United States and Russia possess thousands of non-deployed nuclear warheads in storage, and many of their existing delivery systems are designed to carry multiple warheads.[2][4]
Under New START, these Multiple Independently Targetable Reentry Vehicle (MIRV) systems were deliberately downloaded to carry fewer warheads than their maximum capacity to stay under the 1,550 limit. Without the treaty's constraints, either nation could theoretically upload hundreds of reserve warheads onto their existing ICBMs and submarines in a matter of weeks or months, effectively doubling their deployed forces without building a single new missile.[2][7]

The financial implications of an unconstrained environment are also profound. Maintaining and modernizing nuclear arsenals is extraordinarily expensive. A renewed quantitative arms race—where both sides feel compelled to match the other's uploaded warheads to maintain parity—would divert hundreds of billions of dollars away from conventional military readiness, emerging technologies, and domestic priorities.[2][5]
The financial implications of an unconstrained environment are also profound.
However, the 2026 nuclear landscape is vastly different from the bipolar standoff of the Cold War. The most significant complicating factor in negotiating a successor to New START is the emergence of a multipolar nuclear environment, driven primarily by China's rapid expansion of its strategic forces.[1][4]
Over the past several years, Beijing has significantly modernized and expanded its nuclear arsenal, constructing extensive new silo fields and advancing its delivery capabilities. While China's total warhead count remains a fraction of the US and Russian stockpiles, the trajectory of its growth has fundamentally altered Washington's strategic calculus.[4][7]
The United States has increasingly insisted that any future strategic arms control framework must include China, arguing that bilateral limits are insufficient in a three-peer environment. Beijing has consistently rejected this premise, maintaining that it should not be bound by ceilings designed for superpower arsenals that are several times larger than its own, and insisting that Washington and Moscow must first reduce their stockpiles to Chinese levels.[1][7]

Despite the formal expiration of New START, there are pathways to mitigate the risks of an unconstrained arms race. In the months leading up to the treaty's lapse, Russian leadership proposed a voluntary, mutual commitment to observe the treaty's numerical limits for an additional year, provided the United States reciprocated.[1][5]
While formal acceptance of such proposals remains politically complex, there is historical precedent for informal restraint. In 1981, the United States and the Soviet Union agreed to abide by the unratified SALT II treaty, which helped preserve a degree of strategic stability while the parties negotiated what would eventually become the START I agreement.[5][7]
The international community is also exerting pressure on the major powers to resume dialogue. The expiration of New START coincides with the 2026 Review Conference of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Non-nuclear-weapon states are increasingly vocal about the obligations of the nuclear powers under Article VI of the NPT, which commits them to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to nuclear disarmament.[3][6]
Ultimately, the world without New START is not necessarily destined for an immediate, spiraling arms race, but it is undeniably a period of elevated risk and reduced transparency. The challenge for the coming years will be designing a new generation of arms control—one that moves beyond Cold War bilateralism to address the complexities of a multipolar world, emerging technologies, and the enduring imperative of strategic stability.[4][5][7]
How we got here
May 1972
The US and Soviet Union sign the SALT I agreement, establishing the first bilateral limits on strategic nuclear delivery vehicles.
July 1991
The START I treaty is signed, leading to massive reductions in deployed nuclear warheads following the Cold War.
April 2010
Presidents Obama and Medvedev sign the New START treaty in Prague, capping deployed strategic warheads at 1,550.
February 2021
The US and Russia agree to a five-year extension of New START, the maximum allowed under the treaty's terms.
February 2026
New START officially expires, leaving the US and Russia without legally binding nuclear limits for the first time in over 50 years.
Viewpoints in depth
US Defense Strategists
Focusing on the need to deter multiple nuclear peers simultaneously.
Many Western defense analysts argue that the bilateral arms control framework of the Cold War is obsolete in an era where the United States faces two major nuclear-armed competitors. From this perspective, the expiration of New START, while regrettable, reflects the reality that any future treaty must account for China's expanding arsenal. They emphasize the need to maintain a flexible deterrent capable of addressing simultaneous challenges in Europe and the Indo-Pacific.
Russian Leadership
Linking strategic arms limits to broader geopolitical and conventional military balances.
Moscow's approach to post-New START arms control is heavily conditioned by the broader geopolitical environment. Russian officials have consistently argued that future strategic limits cannot be negotiated in isolation from other factors that affect strategic stability, such as US missile defense systems, conventional precision-strike capabilities, and the nuclear arsenals of NATO allies like the UK and France. They view parity as essential but insist it must encompass the full spectrum of military capabilities.
Non-Proliferation Advocates
Highlighting the risks of miscalculation and the legal obligations of disarmament.
Arms control organizations and non-nuclear-weapon states view the lapse of New START as a dangerous abdication of responsibility. They argue that without verification mechanisms and data exchanges, the risk of worst-case assumptions and accidental escalation rises dramatically. Furthermore, they point out that under the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), nuclear powers have a legally binding obligation to pursue disarmament—a commitment that is undermined by the collapse of bilateral limits.
Chinese Foreign Ministry
Rejecting trilateral limits until superpower arsenals are reduced to parity.
Beijing maintains a policy of minimum deterrence and has consistently refused to join US-Russian arms control negotiations. Chinese officials argue that because their nuclear arsenal is numerically much smaller than those of Washington and Moscow, it is unreasonable to expect China to accept binding limits. Their stated position is that the nations with the largest arsenals bear the primary responsibility for disarmament and must drastically reduce their stockpiles before multilateral treaties can be considered.
What we don't know
- Whether the US and Russia will reach an informal, non-binding agreement to cap their deployed forces in the short term.
- How China's ongoing nuclear modernization will alter the timeline for any future multilateral arms control negotiations.
- The exact number of non-deployed warheads each side currently maintains in active readiness for potential 'uploading'.
Key terms
- New START
- The New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty, a 2010 agreement that capped US and Russian deployed strategic nuclear weapons and mandated mutual inspections.
- Strategic Nuclear Weapon
- High-yield nuclear weapons delivered via intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarines, or heavy bombers, designed to strike an adversary's homeland.
- MIRV
- Multiple Independently Targetable Reentry Vehicle; a ballistic missile payload containing several warheads, each capable of being aimed to hit a different target.
- Uploading
- The process of taking non-deployed nuclear warheads out of storage and placing them onto existing MIRV-capable missiles to rapidly increase deployed forces.
- NPT
- The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, a landmark international treaty aimed at preventing the spread of nuclear weapons and promoting disarmament.
Frequently asked
Did the expiration of New START trigger an immediate arms race?
Not immediately. While the legal limits have vanished, both the US and Russia have indicated a desire to avoid a costly, unconstrained arms race, though both possess the capability to rapidly increase their deployed forces.
Can the US and Russia build new nuclear weapons now?
Yes. Without the treaty, there are no legal restrictions on building new delivery systems or deploying additional warheads, though financial and strategic considerations still act as practical constraints.
Why wasn't China part of New START?
New START was a bilateral treaty between the US and Russia. China has historically maintained a much smaller nuclear arsenal and has refused to join arms control talks until the US and Russia reduce their stockpiles to match Chinese levels.
Are there any nuclear treaties left?
While bilateral US-Russia treaties have largely collapsed, the multilateral Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) remains in effect, legally obligating its signatories to pursue nuclear disarmament.
Sources
[1]Nuclear Threat InitiativeMultilateral Realists
What comes next after New START expiration
Read on Nuclear Threat Initiative →[2]Union of Concerned ScientistsNon-Proliferation Advocates
Nuclear Weapons Without Limits? Avoiding a New Arms Race After New START
Read on Union of Concerned Scientists →[3]Chatham HouseMultilateral Realists
Letting New START expire would signal that the world's largest nuclear powers are abandoning restraint
Read on Chatham House →[4]RAND CorporationUS Defense Strategists
The New START nuclear arms control treaty has expired
Read on RAND Corporation →[5]Vienna Center for Disarmament and Non-ProliferationRussian Leadership
End of New START: Short- and Medium-Term Options
Read on Vienna Center for Disarmament and Non-Proliferation →[6]International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear WeaponsNon-Proliferation Advocates
What did New START do?
Read on International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons →[7]Factlen Editorial TeamMultilateral Realists
Synthesis by Factlen editorial team
Read on Factlen Editorial Team →
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